Citizenship as Participation: Muslim Women Protestors of Shaheen Bagh

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | 25 January 2020 | Posted in , , , , ,

The peaceful indefinite sit-in by Muslim women at Shaheen Bagh has become the epicentre of nationwide protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act–National Population Register–National Register of Citizens, as the protestors have brought to the fore a protest performative that is to be comprehended beyond the physical protest site. As a people’s protest in the true sense, it contests the state’s excessive urge to define and dominate, and flags pressing concerns vis-à-vis discrimination in the face of a consumerism-driven argument of inconvenience. In doing so, the protestors help us understand resistance as an expression of belonging and citizenship as a participatory tool, rather than a status granted by the state on the basis of select documents.

By Irfanullah Farooqi

Ever since the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2019 (CAB 2019) was tabled in Parliament, there has been a visible unrest in the country. As the bill turned into an act (Citizenship [Amendment] Act [CAA] 2019) on 12 December 2019, the unrest spread like wildfire. Seen alongside the lined-up National Population Register (NPR), a six-month exercise to be conducted between 1 April 2020 and 30 September 2020, and the impending National Register of Citizens (NRC), the CAA is opposed for its discriminatory and anti-constitutional character. It subscribes to a disturbingly restricted understanding of minorities, religious persecution, and India’s neighbourhood.

While protests, marches, and demonstrations have punctuated the national life of India for the past few weeks, the peaceful sit-in by women at Shaheen Bagh, New Delhi has become the epicentre of the nationwide protests against the CAA, NPR, and NRC. As I write this, Shaheen Bagh, through its unusuallanguage of resistance and a somewhat unique claim vis-à-vis belonging hasalready inspired people in several cities to join hands for peaceful indefinite sit-ins. So far, we have been informed of sit-ins in Kolkata, Gaya, Kanpur, Allahabad, Bengaluru, and Deoband. InDelhi itself, peaceful sit-ins at Khureji, Seelampur, Turkman Gate, Kardam Puri, Mustafabad, and Inderlok have registered their presence.

The Site and the Protestors

Shaheen Bagh, also called Abul Fazal Enclave Part II, is the southernmost colony of Okhla. With almost 100% Muslim population, the colony came into being in the early 1980s. Although it is a part of the larger Jamia Nagar area, it remained a colony rarely visited by those visiting Jamia Nagar from other areas of Delhi. For a very long time,Jamia Nagar has been frequented by people from all over Delhi for food.Hotels, restaurants, and eating joints in Zakir Nagar, Batla House, Tikona Park, and Abul Fazal Enclave cater to hundreds of non-Jamia Nagar customers everyday. Shaheen Bagh never figured in that list. However, the colony shot to prominence with its market along Road 13A (the one that connects Mathura Road with Kalindi Kunj and is currently blocked by the protestors) with a significantly long line of factory outlets of major brands offering discount all year round. So, it was through the sale offers at Nike, Adidas, Monte Carlo, Woodland, Reebok, and so on that people got to know the place, but needless to say, not the people.

The people of Shaheen Bagh have remained somewhere behind the well-lit factory outlets. The women of Shaheen Bagh were further behind, a little beyond the unknown. However, with the peaceful sit-in at Shaheen Bagh that has turned into its second month now, the women of the area have come forward in the most unanticipated way possible. It started as a humble demonstration against the Delhi Police beating Jamia Millia Islamia University students on 13 December 2019. However, the brutal crackdown in Jamia that took place on the evening of 15 December 2019 turned the Shaheen Bagh protest into something else. Hundreds of Muslim women sat on Road 13A that connects Delhi to Noida, and ever since then, the blockade remains.

Who are these protestors? Anyone visiting Shaheen Bagh will be able to tell us that although, as of now, it is a mix of various people who have decided to come together to register their protest against a discriminatory law, it is the Muslim women of Shaheen Bagh who stand out at the site. As has been reported in almost all the write-ups on the Shaheen Bagh protest, most of the women of Shaheen Bagh who are a part of the sit-in are protesting for the first time in their lives. In the beginning, this aspect of the movement was exploited to express a “concern” around protestors not being aware of what they are protesting about. However, over the weeks, almost everyone is convinced about the extraordinary ways in which the first-timers invoke new understandings of resistance and, in doing so, help us understand other facets of power. It is the first-timers who urge us to attend to the primacy of resistance, that is, move from resistance to power, rather than the other way around.

A New Protest Performative

The gathering at Shaheen Bagh has evoked a new performative of protest, especially for those whose understanding of protests and demonstrations emerged out of regular attendance at Jantar Mantar. At Shaheen Bagh, the script of protest is rewritten simply because the protestor is endowed with a very different vantage point of belonging. Moreover, when the spectrum has a 90-year-old woman on the one end and a 20-day-old infant on the other, it is bound to offer us a new grammar of protest, a new language of resistance.

Unlike other sites of protest and demonstration, at Shaheen Bagh, one gets to know the centrality and primacy of “people.” There is a stage that remains occupied all the time, but it is the audience that is more important. Speakers and performers come and leave the stage, knowing very well that the actual performance, a hearteningly interminable one, is before them and not by them. Through their deep and informed silent presence, the first-timers of Shaheen Bagh (the oft-repeated reference found in various media reports) have altered our perspective on the ways in which the stage and the audience adhere to a certain priority scheme.

The protest’s performative calls for a new frame of understanding because it is not restricted to the site. As one gets down at the Shaheen Bagh metro station and heads towards the protest site, there is a likelihood of being driven to the site by an auto or e-rickshaw wallah who does not even charge the meagre fair of ₹10. Owners of showrooms on Road 13A have decided not to take rent from the rentees for as long as the blockade continues. This amount could very well be in lakhs. As one reaches the site, one sees people distributing bottles of water, juice, tea, boiled eggs, fruits, biscuits, biryani, puri sabzi, etc. Then there are students and activists who are found running initiatives to inform people through creative art, doing sessions with children on harmony, peace, and compassionate living, inculcating mindfulness through conversations, and so on. None of these people are to be found on the stage or in the audience. However, through these selfless acts that suggest an individual transcending their own location anddenying that politico-economic structures have the final say, the people at Shaheen Bagh have made us understand the unique ways of protesting.

A protest that goes beyond the immediate visible site of reference suggests deep connections that exist between resistance and belonging. Muslim women of Shaheen Bagh have demonstrated an uncommon expression of belonging through their resistance. People who have joined them so as to extend solidarity have acknowledged the sanctity of this rare expression. This is the reason why many activists who have been a part of numerous different protests over the years have conscientiously remained away from the stage. They have addressed the gathering when asked to, but they have been conscious of the uniqueness of the setting. This simultaneity of Muslim women coming in huge numbers and seasoned activists and “knowledgeable” people knowingly standing out of the frame can be considered as a fresh chapter in the history of protests and demonstrations in independent India.

Not against Anyone Specific

There is something unsettlingly convenient about accepting the premise that the protest in Shaheen Bagh (perhaps in other regions too) is against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). If Muslim presence is predominant in the protest and the ruling dispensation at the centre is known for its anti-Muslim policies, what can possibly stop us from seeing Shaheen Bagh as an anti-BJP protest? While it cannot be denied that there have been repeated references to stalwarts of the current regime, the protest is about more than the regime and its discriminatory policies.

Muslim women at Shaheen Bagh draw our attention to the way a marginalised identity experiences its location and, consequently, association with the rest. In that respect, their protest is against the pathologically inhuman ways in which the state, for decades, encroached upon their everyday spaces of domestic life. A little more than three decades ago, writing on the political culture of the Indian state, Ashis Nandy (1989) warned us about a state that was decisively moving from the realm of service to the realm of domination. Nandy was highlighting something distinctly characteristic about the modern state, its obsession with order and, in that regard,governable subjects. Nandy was quite clear that for such an entity, the essential problem is not its failure, but its success.

Protestors at Shaheen Bagh are not against the regime, but a governing psychology or template that defines marginalised identities solely from the vantage point of lawlessness, chaos, violence,ignorance, etc. It is this reading of the margins by the state that urged Das and Poole (2004) to refer to the state as an “incomplete project” (p 5) and its margins as those pockets that are “insufficiently socialised into the law” (p 9). Muslim women of Shaheen Bagh are posing a serious question to that alleged “insufficient socialisation” of theirs into the law. Instead of being defined as members of a community allegedly inclined towards lawlessness, they have rightfully become the epitome of the lawful, the bearers of the constitutional.

The state is also questioned by unsettling the nationalised memory and remembrance. For instance, the India Gate replica at Shaheen Bagh is, in a true sense, a people’s response to national memory, as it carries names of people who were killed by the state during the protests against the CAA and NRC. By drawing our attention to a new perspective on sacrifice and mourning, the India Gate replica at Shaheen Bagh brings to the fore the powerless’s claim on memory and mourning. Similarly, the 40-feet iron and mesh map of India inscribed with the words Hum Bharat ke log CAA–NPR–NRC nahin maante (We, the people of India, reject the CAA–NPR–NRC) is a people’s humble-yet-stunning response to state’s indulgent and extravagant national projects, such as theStatue of Unity.

Discrimination vs Inconvenience

Recently, residents of adjacent colonies, such as Sarita Vihar and Jasola Vihar, took out a rally opposing the sit-in at Shaheen Bagh, citing the inconvenience caused by the road blockade. Backed by the Resident Welfare Association of these colonies, people claimed that instead of blocking Road 13A that connects Delhi and Noida, the protestors should protest at dedicated and identified sites. This narrative of inconvenience conveniently tries to dislodge the narrative of discrimination.

The protest at Shaheen Bagh is a marginalised people’s uncommon response to discrimination. When we earnestly speak against discrimination, we go beyond our immediate identity markers. A call against discrimination is a call for the “we” invoked in the preamble of the Constitution. On the contrary, inconvenience places the individual before the collective. A rallying cry around inconvenience is the call of the individual expressing concern over what they are facing. The logic of inconvenience invokes a “we” that is fundamentally different from the “we” our Constitution’s preamble opens with. Almost all the protests and peaceful demonstrations, a living expression of people’s solidarity against discrimination, are denied their due because of the inconvenience caused by them. Instead of earnestly inquiring into what forced common people to come out on roads and remaining there for several weeks, the inconvenience fraternity is only interested in “For how long it will go on?” The pervasiveness of this pathology, this unsettling indifference can be attributed to our living in a society where most of us are identified as consumers.

A society decisively tilted towards consumption as opposed to social justice and equality is a society that turns its back on injustice and discrimination. In such a society, we find it more logical to talk about losses incurred due to protests (not loss, for it offers a philosophical or existential promise), rather than getting our acts together against the suffering faced by specific groups. Problems are identified strictly from a class-informed perspective of everyday routines, which is why an additional two hours in traffic preponderates over concern about a law that is discriminatory against the marginalised sections.

Issues with ‘What Next’

In addition to those crying over the inconvenience caused by the Shaheen Bagh peaceful indefinite sit-in, many sympathisers of the protest too ask themselves, “What next?” This anxiety cannot be dismissed as an altogether insignificant one. However, people’s movements are to be appreciated in terms of how they inform the “ongoing.” In not putting forth a full-fledged plan of action, the brave Muslim women of Shaheen Bagh have questioned the state’s peculiar occupation with planning that routinely excludes and marginalises various groups.

As of now, what matters the most is that with every passing day, the protest site is acquiring more dynamism. As the women talk to each other, discuss theissues, and reflect on what turned them into flagbearers of one of independent India’s most glorious phases, they add more meaning to our national present. Queer activists are taking sessions with Muslim children from the locality. Braving the harshest weeks of Delhi winter, women protestors are knitting messages of peace and harmony. Artists are painting 500-metre-long cloths with messages that uphold the values of the Constitution. Each of these extraordinary acts that bring a hope-affirming version of a community makes a claim for citizenship as participation, as something not simply granted by the state, but realised in our behaviour towards each other, our contribution to our nation’s diversity.

We can set up committees to look into whether Faiz Ahmad Faiz’s Hum Dekhenge is anti-Hindu or not, but we cannot stop these peaceful protests contributing to the emergence of a life-giving Hum (“we”) in nooks and corners of the country. As the women of Shaheen Bagh tweak their daily schedules in the hope of tweaking the dominant national narrative, we are witnessing a new Hum that assures the present an uncommon longevity and refuses to define the future as a next occurrence.

Muslim women in Gujarat to protest against CAA

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | | Posted in , , ,

IMO News Service

Ahmedabad: Muslim women in Gujarat have decided to protest against CAA on the occasion of India’s 71st Republic Day, on Sunday, 26th January 2020.

Events will be held across the state to “save the Constitution” and express solidarity with Muslim women protesting at Shaheen Bagh in Delhi’s Okhla for past one month against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

The Preamble of the Constitution will be read after flag-hoisting. Apart from Muslim women, among other participants will include women from other religions, MLAs, councilors and leading Muslim organizations.

Mysuru Gets Its First Ever Muslim Woman Mayor

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OPINION: Two Child Policy and the RSS

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | | Posted in , , , , ,

By Dr. Mohammad Aleem

Recently, in a public function in Moradabad (UP), RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat said that we should now focus on the two child policy in the country. It should be given a constitutional status. It is necessary to control the population to make our country grow economically, socially and culturally. He also said that there should be a law formulated to implement this ambitious plan throughout the country.

The chief editor of the Urdu daily, Inquilab, Shakil Shamsi has written his opinion article on the same theme, titled,  dated 19th January 2020,“Two Child Policy and the RSS”.

He writes: “When the country is passing through a turbulent time due to the contentious CAA, NPR and proposed NRC, then, this issue, which has been raised by the RSS will only create a new problem. And many people are asking this simple question that whether this law will be applied to all religious communities or will it be specific to the Muslims only? This question comes into mind because there are scores of the Hindu extremist Sadhus and Yogis who say that the population of India is rising only due to the Muslims only.”

But it is a fact that the data says just opposite and put the reality in completely another perspective. According to the 2011 census, during the last 10 years, both Hindu and Muslim population has seen considerable decline. The growth of the Muslim population is at present 24.6%, which was earlier 29.5%, and the growth of the Hindu population is at present 16.7%, which was earlier 19.92%.

Shakil Shamsi also has scathingly criticized this malicious propaganda that the trend among Muslims is having many wives, but the reality is just the opposite. He writes: “They (the hardcore right wing people) always indulge in such malicious propaganda that every Muslim marries four women and produces as many children as they can. But when we say that please help me in identifying such men who have four wives and many dozen children, they run away. The fact is that the population of the Muslim women is less than the Muslim men in the Indian society. Then, from where on earth, these men will get as many wives of their choices?”

In the recent days, we have also heard many times from many Hindu chauvinist Sanyasis and Gurus that every Hindu should bear at least 10 children. If it happens, then, the how the problem of rising population will be controlled?

Shakil Shamsi put his views over it in this way: “We have no right to criticize any such law which comes for the purpose of controlling the population, but it should be brought within the secular character of this country. It was Sanjay Gandhi who had first adopted the tough policy of family planning in 1975. In the whole country, forced sterilization of men was applied in such places as schools, Dharmshalas, hospitals and even in the government offices. When in 1977, Indira Gandhi was ousted from the Prime Minister post, it was being said that the forced policy of the family planning of the government was the main reason for the Congress Party’s decline. And the fiercest opposition had come from the Hindus mainly.”

The fear is that a group of the rightwing people, who always look for any opportunity to extract some blood from the Muslim’s muscles, will demand for implementation of this law only for the Muslims as it has been adopted in the case of the Citizenship Amendment Act. And if it happens, it will cause to create another mass unrest in the country.

Shakil Shamshi concludes his article with these scathing remarks: “The BJP plays a dual policy when it comes to practice the bigamy. For example, when the film star Dharmendra marries a second time with another film star, Hema Malini, despite of having two wives at the same time, the BJP makes him a candidate for the parliamentary election from Bikaner and it also gives an opportunity to his second wife, Hema Malini to secure a seat of the MP from another constituency. If the BJP keeps rewarding such persons who have two wives, then, will this family planning movement ever succeed?

In fact, the rising population is the result of the many socio-economic factors. And before formulating and implementing any such law, it should be taken into account seriously. It has been said that those people, either men or women, who are well educated and economically, socially and culturally well-off, they prefer smaller families. And this trend is prevalent among all the religious communities of India.

So, the Government should focus mainly on educating people and making them economically sound rather than bringing a tough law for it, then, this problem will automatically get solved without inviting any public wrath and resentment.

[Dr Mohammad Aleem is an award winning novelist, playwright, journalist and scriptwriter. He has five novels (three in English, two in Urdu), two plays, including ‘Imam-e-Hind Ram’ based on the great epic Valmiki Ramayana to his credit. His books have been published by Penguin Books India, National Book Trust, India, Lifi Publications and many others. He has also written many serials for DD and other channels. Currently, he is hosting a web series, Desh Keya Sochta Hai?Akhbaron ke Hawale Se on the YouTube Channel, Newsnexxt. He can be contacted at mohammad.aleem1@gmail.com]

شہریت قانون پر فی الحال روک لگانے سے سپریم کورٹ کا انکار چیف جسٹس نے معاملے کو پانچ رکنی آئینی بینچ کے حوالہ کرنے کا دیا اشارہ، مرکز کو چارہفتہ میں جواب داخل کرنے کی ہدایت

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | 24 January 2020 | Posted in

شہریت قانون پر فی الحال روک لگانے سے سپریم کورٹ کا انکار
چیف جسٹس نے معاملے کو پانچ رکنی آئینی بینچ کے حوالہ کرنے کا دیا اشارہ، مرکز کو چارہفتہ میں جواب داخل کرنے کی ہدایت

عدالت کے فیصلہ سے انصاف کی امید لگائے کروڑوں لوگوں کو سخت مایوسی ہوئی ہے: مولانا ارشدمدنی
نئی دہلی22 /جنوری 2020ء۔شہریت ترمیمی قانون کے خلاف سپریم کورٹ میں داخل 144عرضیوں پر آج چیف جسٹس اے ایس بوبڑے کی سربراہی والی تین رکنی بینچ نے سماعت کی عدالت نے قانون پر فی الحال روک لگانے سے یہ کہہ کر انکارکردیاکہ اس پر پانچ ججوں کی آئینی بینچ ہی کوئی راحت دے سکتی ہے، اس معاملہ پر جواب دینے کیلئے مرکزکو چارہفتہ کا مزید وقت دیا گیا ہے علاوہ ازیں شہریت قانون کے خلاف ہائی کورٹوں میں داخل عرضیوں کی سماعت پر عدالت نے روک لگادی ہے جبکہ آسام اور تری پورہ کے معاملوں کو اس سے الگ رکھا گیا ہے، واضح ہو کہ سی اے اے، این آرسی اور این پی آرکے خلاف عرضی داخل کرنے والوں میں جمعیۃعلماء ہند نے پہل کی تھی اور آج سماعت کے دوران اس کی طرف سے پیروی کے لئے سینئر ترین وکیل پیش ہوئے، آج سماعت شروع ہونے سے پہلے ہی عدالت نمبر ایک کھچاکھچ بھرچکی تھی اس کی وجہ سے عدالت کے تینوں دروازے کھول دینے پڑے سماعت جیسے ہی شروع ہوئی مرکزکی طرف سے اٹارنی جنرل کے کے وینوگوپال نے کہا کہ کل 144عرضیاں ہیں اس لئے ہم ابھی ابتدائی حلف نامہ ہی داخل کررہے ہیں، انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ مرکزکو اب تک 60عرضیاں ہی موصول ہوئی ہیں اس پر سینئر ایڈوکیٹ کپل سبل نے کہا کے پہلے یہ طے ہوکہ معاملے کو آئینی بینچ کے حوالہ کیا جائے گا یا نہیں، سینئرایڈوکیٹ منوسنگھوی نے عدالت کی توجہ مبذول کراتے ہوئے کہا کہ لوگوں کو شہریت دینے کا عمل بھی شروع ہوگیا ہے، اترپردیش میں 30ہزارلوگوں کا انتخاب بھی ہوچکاہے اس پر چیف جسٹس نے کہا کہ ہم حکومت کو پروزنل شہریت دینے کے لئے کہہ سکتے ہیں، ہم یک طرفہ طورپر روک نہیں لگاسکتے عرضی گزاروں کے وکلاء کا اس بات پر اصرارتھا کہ معاملے کو آئینی بینچ کے حوالہ کردینا چاہئے اور شہریت دینے کے عمل کو روک دیا جانا چاہئے اٹارنی جنرل نے اس کی مخالفت کی اس پر چیف جسٹس نے کہا کہ معاملہ آئینی بینچ کو سونپاجاسکتاہے اور ہم پابندی لگانے کے موضوع پر بعدمیں سماعت کریں گے دوسری طرف سالیسٹرجنرل تشارمہتانے کہا کہ عدالت کو اس معاملہ میں مزید عرضیاں داخل کرنے پر روک لگادینی چاہئے مگر عدالت نے اس مطالبہ پر کوئی توجہ نہیں دی اسی دوران ایک وکیل نے این پی آرکا ایشواٹھاتے ہوئے کہا کہ اگر این پی آرمیں کسی کو مشکوک قراردیا گیا تو اس کا نام ووٹرلسٹ سے کٹ جائے گااس پر مسٹرکپل سبل نے بھی کہا کہ یہ ایک انتہائی تشویشناک بات ہے بالآخر عدالت نے مرکزکو نوٹس جاری کرکے جواب داخل کرنے کو کہا اور اس کے لئے چارہفتہ کی مہلت طلب کی جس کی عرضی گزاروں نے مخالفت کی مگر عدالت نے اس درخواست کو قبول کرلیا، عدالت نے یہ بھی کہا کہ عبوری راحت کے لئے تین ججوں کی بینچ فیصلہ نہیں دے سکتی جبکہ چیف جسٹس ایس اے بوبڑے کاکہنا تھا کہ صرف پانچ ججوں کی آئینی بینچ ہی اس بابت کوئی فیصلہ کرسکتی ہے، شہریت قانون کے خلاف داخل عرضیوں پر سماعت کرتے ہوئے ملک کی سب سے بڑی عدالت نے قانون کو فی الحال بحال رکھنے اور مرکزکو جواب داخل کرنے کے لئے جس طرح چارہفتہ کی مزید مہلت دی ہے اس پر جمعیۃعلماء ہند کے صدرمولانا سیدارشدمدنی نے سخت تشویش کا اظہارکیا ہے اور کہا ہے کہ ملک کے موجودہ حالات کو دیکھتے ہوئے ہمیں امید تھی کہ کوئی مثبت پیش رفت ہوگی انہوں نے کہا کہ اگر عدالت قانون کے نفاذ پر روک لگادیتی تو ملک بھرمیں اس قانون کے منظوری کے بعد خوف ودہشت کا جو ماحول قائم ہوا ہے اس میں بڑی حدتک کمی آجاتی اور جگہ جگہ ہورہے مظاہرے بھی بڑی حدتک تھم جاتے مگر افسوس کہ ایسا نہیں ہوا۔ مولانا مدنی نے کہا کہ ملک بھرمیں شدید احتجاج اور مظاہرے کے بعد بھی حکومت کہہ رہی ہے کہ اس قانون میں کوئی تبدیلی نہیں ہوسکتی اس صورت میں ملک کے تمام انصاف پسند لوگوں کی امید یں اور آرزویں ملک کی سب سے بڑی عدالت سے ہی وابستہ ہیں انہوں نے یہ بھی کہا کہ اس سیاہ قانون کے خلاف سپریم کورٹ میں ریکارڈ 144عرضیاں داخل ہیں اوران سب میں اس قانون کو آئین مخالف قراردیا گیا ہے اور کہا گیا ہے کہ چونکہ اس قانون سے آئین کے تمہید کی صریحا خلاف ورزی ہوتی ہے اس لئے اس پر پابندی لگنی چاہئے انہوں نے کہا کہ عدالت کا فیصلہ سرآنکھوں پر لیکن اس سے ملک کے ان کروڑوں ہندو،مسلم، سکھ اور عیسائی کو سخت مایوسی ہوئی ہے جو پچھلے ایک ماہ سے سخت سردی، ٹھٹھرن اور بارش میں کھلے آسمان کے نیچے بیٹھ کر اس کالے قانون کے خلاف پرامن مگر مثالی احتجاج کررہے ہیں، انہوں نے کہا کہ ان سب کے باوجود حکومت آمرانہ روش اختیارکرکے اس آئین مخالف قانون کو سب پر تھوپنا چاہتی ہے یہی وجہ ہے کہ 18/دسمبرکو اسے جواب داخل کرنے کے لئے جو ایک ماہ کی مہلت عدالت نے دی تھی اسے اس نے ضائع کردیا جبکہ اسے آج مکمل حلف نامہ داخل کرنا چاہئے تھا اس سے حکومت کی منشاء کا اندازہ لگایا جاسکتاہے، انہوں نے ایک بارپھر وضاحت کی کہ جمعیۃعلماء ہند کا شروع سے یہ مانناہے کہ جن مسائل کا حل سیاسی طورپر نہ نکلے اس کے خلاف قانونی جدوجہد کا راستہ اپنانا چاہئے، کئی اہم معاملوں میں اس نے ایسا کیا ہے اور عدلیہ سے انصاف بھی ملا ہے چنانچہ اس معاملہ میں بھی جمعیۃعلماء ہند نے وکیل آن ریکارڈ ارشادحنیف اور سینئر ایڈوکیٹ ڈاکٹر راجیودھون کے مشورہ سے ایک رٹ پیٹشن شروع میں ہی داخل کی تھی، مولانامدنی نے کہا کہ جو لوگ اسے ہندومسلم کا مسئلہ سمجھتے ہیں وہ غلطی پر ہیں سچائی یہ ہے کہ یہ ملک کے آئین ودستورسے جڑاہواایک انتہائی اہم معاملہ ہے البتہ بعض لوگوں کی جانب سے اسے مسلسل ہندومسلم بنانے کی دانستہ کوششیں ہورہی ہیں لیکن سچائی یہ ہے کہ اس کے خلاف ملک بھرمیں لوگ مذہب ذات پات اور برادری سے اوپر اٹھ کر احتجاج کررہے ہیں گویا دوسرے لفظوں میں یہ کہا جاسکتاہے کہ اس سیاہ قانون نے سب کو ایک دوسرے سے جوڑدیا ہے اور جولوگ باہمی اتحاداور یکجہتی کو نقصان پہنچانے کا خواب دیکھ رہے تھے انہیں سخت مایوسی ہاتھ لگی ہے، انہوں نے کہا کہ پورے ملک میں جہاں جہاں شاہین باغ اور جامعہ ملیہ اسلامیہ کی طرزپر مظاہرے ہورہے ہیں ان میں ایک بڑی تعدادہمارے غیرمسلم بھائیوں کی ہوتی ہے، انہوں نے کہا کہ پچھلے چھ سال کے دوران حکومت نے نفرت کی جودیوارمختلف جذباتی اور مذہبی ایشوزکو ہوادیکر ہندووں اور مسلمانوں کے درمیان منصوبہ بندطریقہ سے کھڑی کی تھی ان مظاہروں نے اس دیوارکو پوری طرح مسمارکردیا ہے اور یہی ہماری اصل طاقت ہے درحقیقت یہ ہندوستان کی طاقت ہے جس کے آگے اقتدارکے نشہ میں چور انگریزوں نے بھی گھٹنے ٹیک دیئے تھے انہوں نے آخر میں کہا کہ ان حتجاج اور مظاہروں کو عام احتجاج یا مظاہرہ نہ سمجھاجائے بلکہ یہ ایک نئے انقلاب کی آہٹ ہے اور مرکزی حکومت نوشتہ دیوار کو پڑھنے کی کوشش کرے ورنہ کل تک بہت دیر ہوسکتی ہے۔

فضل الرحمن قاسمی:
پریس سکریٹری، جمعیۃعلماء ہند: 9891961134 

CAA पर आया सुप्रीम कोर्ट का कड़ा रुख सामने, मोदी सरकार परेशान

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | | Posted in

Conspiracy against the Shaheen Bagh Protest: Know who is doing and what newspapers are writing

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | | Posted in

Delay in addressing important issues is eroding the Supreme Court's credibility, Newspapers question

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | | Posted in

Is Davinder Singh being made a Sacrificial Lamb?

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | 23 January 2020 | Posted in , , , ,

By Syed Ali Mujtaba

The story that is fed through media that a Sikh officer was caught ferrying three terrorists out of the Kashmir valley, with alleged intention to disturb the Republic Day celebrations in Delhi has something deeper into it than the arrest of a DSP Davinder Singh from Union Teritory of Jammu & Kashmir.

Let’s read the story once again: “Davinder Singh, posted as the deputy superintendent of police, was arrested along with Naveed Babu, self-styled district commander of banned Hizbul Mujahideen, a new recruit Atif and an advocate Irfan Mir. The four were caught with arms and ammunition while they were travelling in a car near Qazigund, on the national highway in South Kashmir.”

This childish story when read in cold print or coming from the mouth of news anchors on Television evokes grin on the face and laughter of the lips because it cannot without a pinch of salt.

How come, overnight a mid-ranking police officer who played a high profile in the conflict zone in J&K can become a black sheep and so childishly get arrested.

The first reaction is it is a story being deliberately planted by the security agencies as ‘cover-up’ to some goof up in the conflict zone of J&K and whose antecedents cannot be independently verified.

Since Davinder Singh arrest is hogging the lime light in the media, it is essential to go into the merits of this case and come out with some conjectures that our mind can digest?

Essentially, there are five theories that are making rounds in Davinder Singh’s arrest case. The first is Davinder Singh was the cop who had links with terrorists and the state police intercepted his car on the national highway and arrested him red handed along with three terrorists.

This story instead of appealing to human senses raises many questions and triggers our mind like busy bees to probe deeper varsity of this planted scoop.

How come such a high profile cop who a few days ago was seen near the aircraft that disembarked foreign diplomats to Srinagar to assess the situation in valley, can be arrested a few days later that too caught red handed in an antinational act.

This story wants to convey that Davinder Singh was a double agent who was working in J&K police but was hand in gloves with the terrorists.

Now in a conflict zone like Kashmir, where even every civilian’s activity is marked by security sleuths, how come a uniformed police officer be allowed to operate without any surveillance?

Certainly this baloney story deserves to be archived for journalism students to cite as examples in their term papers of concocted and peddled stories.

The second theory is Davinder Singh was a corrupt police officer who can do anything for money. He was double and triple agent and he worked for money, irrespective of the source of funding.

This theory by default makes Davinder Singh an entrepreneur cop who was making best use of the conflict situation and in the process making money.

This story looks blatantly untrue when some facts are issued by the source to support the entrepreneur cop theory. This entrepreneur theory fails the test of logic as it raises few fundamental questions; how a police officer with dubious credentials is allowed to function in such a high profile way that too in an extremely sensitive zone of conflict.

The third theory that is making rounds is that Davinder Singh was working for some intelligence agency and has become victim of inter services rivalries between different intelligence agencies operating in the Union Territory.

This looks more plausible theory. Remember, the words of Davinder Singh when he was questioned by the sleuths. He said, ‘this is a game and asked them do not spoil this game.’  

This means that he was on a mission for some intelligence agency maybe secret police, administrative agencies, RAW, IB, bureaucracy etc. that was not coordinated well and therefore he was taken as suspect.

Such situation is common in a conflict situation where many state actors are work not in tandem with each other but at cross purposes, with an intention to score some brownie points.

This theory looks more palatable theory than the first two because it satisfies the logic of human mind. But then besides it there are two other theories that looks equally enticing.   

The fourth theory is that Davinder Singh was a pawn in government’s deep state operations. A deep state is a form of clandestine government’s operation made up of hidden or covert networks of power operations independently working in pursuit of some hidden agenda and goal.

The deep state actors are parallel operatives who can operate in opposition to the publicaly stated agenda of the government that may involve, obstructing, resisting, and subverting stated government policies and directives.

The government uses its agents in the pursuit of its hidden objectives or goals. The agents get into such acts for job security, enhanced power and authority and gain favors from the government.

In Davinder Singh case, the hidden objective was to bring some militants to the national capital through state channel and then plant a story of government foiling a terrorist attack on eve of Republic day parade.

The deep state theory looks palatable and it appears that lack of coordination has led to this goof up and Davinder Singh was sacrificed on the altar of deep state theory.

The last theory has religious overtones and is much sensitive because it sets cat against the pigeon. Davinder Singh was picked up because he was a Sikh by faith. As we know that Sikh community in J&K has sided with the overwhelming Kashmiri sentiments against the abrogation of Article 370.

And, this has irked the Central government that hatched up a conspiracy to trap Davinder Singh to set an example if Sikhs indulge in acts of defiance against the ruling government policies, a similar fate may await them.  

The latest news about Davinder Singh’s story is that the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has received orders from the Union Home Ministry to re-register a case against Davinder Singh and alleged terrorists and has started the investigation.

Well such probes are just like this story, which will always be one sided and never bring the real truth to the public domain. This is more some when there is some tacit involvement of the intelligence agencies or the central government in such cases.

The conclusion is Davinder Singh has become the sacrificial lamb put behind bars to cover up someone’s faults.     

[Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com

British Muslim Fashion Brand Opens its First Store in Hyderabad

Posted by Indian Muslim Observer | 20 January 2020 | Posted in , , , , , ,

By Syed Khaled Shahbaaz 

Hyderabad:  UK-based renowned ‘modest’ fashion store IDH London on Saturday inaugurated its first mercantile establishment in Hyderabad, Telangana on January 4. The brand showroom inaugurated at City Centre Mall, Banjara Hills, brings internationally acclaimed products loved in over several countries to Hyderabad. IDH London specializes in products that are a fusion of cosmopolitan style and modest fashion for women.

Franchise owner Mrs. Rahmath Unnisa, while addresss mediapersons during inauguration said, “The ease of doing business in Telangana State and the government’s boost to entrepreneurship led the brand to set up its first store in Telangana’s capital city.”

The British brand has proved its mettle in Middle East and Africa with presence in international markets like Egypt, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Palestine, Jordan, UAE, South Africa and Mozambique.

“Modest fashion is one of the city’s most notable specialities, perhaps influenced by the aristocratic lineage and cultural heritage that lives on in the nobility and grace exhibited by Hyderabadi women. IDH brings a notable variety of women wear from silken scarfs to exquisite skirts to modest jumpsuits, trousers to abayas in coveted varieties including denims, sports and partywear to headwear in futuristic and modern styles that are otherwise a rarity in Indian markets. IDH Hijabs are perfect accessories for completing the look of a modern Muslim girl or woman, and such Islamic fashion is making heads turn around the globe.

The cosmopolitan culture of Hyderabad, in Telangana particularly, these accessories aren’t restricted to religious identities anymore but have rather evolved into a fashion statement with the underlying motive of modernizing eastern fashion. The brand is providing young and dynamic girls and women to experience the eastern culture through its impeccable couture.

IDH London products allow customers to blend in the cosmopolitan culture without compromising their dignity and identity while flaunting flawless fashion. They are intricately crafted to help the feminine gender embrace fashion that’s a perfect fusion of cosmopolitan style and modest art at the same time. Fabrics are specially chosen to keep the apparel weather friendly. Some fabrics, specially chosen for these apparel, are designed to be weather friendly allowing women to protect their face from excessive heat during summers and others in winter. The apparel is stylishly distinctive and also appeals modern young women who are also YouTubers, social media influencers, and artists in different verticals.

According to joint owner of the franchise Mir Israr Ali Khan, “Hijabs and modest Muslim wear wooed the audiences at some of the industry’s biggest fashion events including New York Fashion Week. Some models adorned abayas and head scarves and made heads turn. Their designs despite exemplifying Modest Muslim fashion made a powerful and undeniable impact.” He says “IDH London brings the modest Islamic fashion, which was previously available via limited channels and choice for people in Gulf countries to desiring consumers in India.”

Other products like Maxidress, scarves, jilbabs are also available in multiple designs and variety besides products oozing contemporary Islamic style in soft, luxurious fabrics. The store is only other outlet in India after Calicut, Kerala.

[Syed Khaled Shahbaaz is a journalist based at Hyderabad, He can be reached at syedkhaledshahbaaz@gmail.com

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